Apocalypse
by design
More on
THE WORLDÕS MOST NEGLECTED EMERGENCY
keith harmon snow
www.allthingspass.com
5 November 2006
Josephine Aoka Bikenge is a widow who lives along the
remote Lopori River, a major tributary in the Congo River Basin. Josephine and
her three daughters tied their pirogues, dugout canoes carved out of massive
trees, alongside my jungle raft and together we floated for three hours while I
interviewed her about life and death in rural Congo. She had never spoken to a
white person.
Josephine has never used a
telephone—not even the hard-wired kind—or a computer. She has never
been in a car, doesnÕt own a bike. No radio, no T.V. The boats are rented: she
owns the paddle in her hand and one dress, she says, which she is wearing, and
one pan. Before she left her home she borrowed her neighborÕs only shoes. She
has a kerosene lamp. ÒI donÕt have anything else,Ó she said.
She has a mud and grass hut,
in a mud and grass hut village, where children die from malaria, tuberculosis,
diarrhea, and malnutrition. She lost two children, one to measles, one to
tetanus; her daughters have lost seven children between them. Rwandan troops
(1996-1997) butchered thousands of refugees, Òlike chickensÓ she said. Soldiers
raped her daughters; one was shot and canÕt walk. There is no clinic. No
school, no medicines, no books, no cellphonesÉno reporters, no human rights
investigators, no goodwill ambassadors, no Bob Geldorf.
She and her daughters worked
for half a year to grow crops to take to market, 300 kilometers downriver,
where she was going. She set off three weeks ago, and she was halfway there.
They lost some of their goods as they journeyed along the river. She would have
to borrow money to get home from market—so ruthless were the taxes and
thefts, so hungry her family. But there is no one to borrow money from.
The World Wildlife Fund works
nearby, they have their office in the logging company compound, and they are
ÒcertifyingÓ the company trees as Òsustainable,Ó before the trees are shipped
to Europe and the U.S., and the WWFÕs connections to the BBC—who
publishes their press releases verbatim—insure that no one will know the
truth of the suffering and plunder, or WWFÕs acquisition of land, to the
exclusion of the people who live(d) on it. Medicins Sans Frontiers had a
program here, but one young, bright, caring MSF doctor realized they were doing more harm than
good, and she resigned, and MSF, anyways—ignoring their own report
qualifying the scale of the catastrophe—pulled out.[i]
Western plantations cover
vast territories here, and Josephine believes that people who work for Òthe
companyÓ are better off. According to a World Health Organization study done
here, plantations mean slavery, extortion, despair and death—worse than
areas absent of all ÒdevelopmentÓ or employment ÒopportunityÓ—and
workers, trapped in an indenturing system, are paid less than three dollars a
month. (That is not a typo.)
According to Nicholas
Kristof, the Pulitzer winning columnist at the New York Times, what
Congo (Africa) needs is for multinational corporations to flock to Africa to
set up factories and exploit the people. Kristof has been campaigning for
sweatshops to be set up in Africa on the premise that the Òonly thing worse
than exploitation is no exploitation:Ó people will take whatever they can get.
But Kristof does not report in the exploitation and slavery that exists there
now, and the multinational corporations and their people who profit from
AfricaÕs misery. Kristof is peddling misery and exploitation under the banners
of humanitarian concern; the New York Times loves it, because it
supports the interests of the corporation, and all the directors, and all their
affiliated businesses, and all their advertisers. The New York Times is,
after all, a multinational corporation selling a product.
It was bad during MobutuÕs
time, Josephine says, getting back to reality in Congo, but now itÕs worse. As
her boat drifted off she said: ÒSince I started talking to you I am taken into
paradise.Ó Why? ÒBecause I am
happy. I am happy about the questions you ask me, and the way you are.Ó
As Josephine and her family
floated away, drifting down the vast Lopori River, I tried to imagine the
hardship of the past decade and the war that these people have seen, and the
unspeakable traumas.
In 1996, Paul Kagame and
Yoweri Museveni, with the Pentagon behind them, launched their covert war
against ZaireÕs Mobutu Sese Seko and his western backers. A decade later, there
are six or seven million dead, at the very least, and the war in Congo (Zaire)
continues. Both Kagame and Museveni shot their way to power in bloody coups, but
we are never told such things. Instead, we hear about the horrors under Idi
Amin in Uganda–who killed far less than have died under MuseveniÕs
policies since–and the so-called ÒgenocideÓ in Rwanda. Museveni rescued
Uganda. Kagame rescued Rwanda. The IMF, World Bank, USAIDÉ rewarded their men.
Here is the sound-bite, the
chorus line, the constant refrain of the propaganda system: ÒIn just 100 days
the Rwanda genocide, led by the brutal Hutus, claimed some 800,000 to 1.2
million Tutsis.Ó Here is the truth: powerful interests from the U.S., U.K.,
South Africa and Belgium launched a covert war from Uganda, destabilized the
legitimate government of Rwanda from 1990 to 1994, assassinated the presidents
of Rwanda and Burundi, and installed the PentagonÕs man, Paul Kagame. It was a
coup dÕetat. The Kagame machine did most of the killing, not the Hutus, as they
tell us in the Hollywood film Hotel Rwanda. And we won—because no matter how you look at
it, Americans benefit. Now, the battle rages on for control of the Congo.
The William Jefferson Clinton
Foundation is allied with the defense establishment in Uganda, Rwanda and South
Africa. But they deploy the Pangaea Aids Foundation, partnered with the San
Francisco Aids Foundation, and they call it AIDS/HIV relief, and humanitarian
aid, and their press releases slide unchallenged into the New York Times.
The National Geographic reports on the wonderful new health programs,
and the lasting traditions of savage societies, suffering from the AIDS
pandemic, and so we can all pat ourselves on the backs for helping those poor,
hopeless, Africans.
Here is the soundbite: ÒAIDS
is the number one killer in Africa.Ó Here is the truth: high salaries and fancy
SUVs for western relief and human rights workers; academic papers and tenured
professorships; billion dollar university research programs; pharmaceutical
profits and biopiracy; while depopulating Africa as fast, and as quietly, as
possible. Here is the truth: the AIDS ÒreliefÓ benefits the US military
interests, and military partners, like the Ugandan and Rwandan soldiers, and
the Sudan PeopleÕs Liberation Army (involved in Darfur). Here is the truth:
malaria is the number one killer in many Sub-Saharan countries, with
tuberculosis, measles, typhoid, tetanus, diarrhea, and malnutrition fast on its
heals.
Adastra Minerals, now in
southern Congo, was once based in Hope, Arkansas. ItÕs connections to friends
of Bill Clinton are never exposed. Instead we have the Clinton AIDS foundations
and charities saving lives in Africa.
Maurice
Tempelsman, a director/trustee of the Harvard AIDS Institute, is the CongoÕs
premier diamond kingpin (diamonds leave through Rwanda) but Samantha Power did
not interview Tempelsman when she was at HarvardÕs Carr Center for Human
Rights, and that is why she won a Pulitzer for her book, A Problem From
Hell: America in the Age of Genocide. This, indeed, is a problem from hell.
Here
is the soundbite: ÒWe (USA) were bystanders to genocide.Ó Here is the truth:
General Romeo Dallaire, the UN ÔheroÕ who Ôtried to stop the genocide,Õ
reportedly played a decisive role in the unraveling of Rwanda. It is no
surprise that he is now part of UN Secretary general Kofi AnnanÕs special panel
on Ògenocide.Ó Shake hands, indeed, with the devil.
The failure to bring to light
the slaughter in Congo is due to powerful interests that connect to or permeate
all levels of our society, from Amnesty International to Human Rights Watch;
from the Karuna Center for Peacebuilding to the World Policy Institute; from
Conservation International to the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund; from student groups
at Smith and Dartmouth Colleges, to the American Friends Service Committee.
Pfizer is in Uganda, and
Chevron, and Goodworks International, but people have read the New York
Times for so long, and Newsweek, and the New Yorker, and the Nation,
that we no longer know what questions to ask, or even that we should ask any
questions at all. And because we are so busy talking on our cell phones we can
just donate a few dollars to CARE, so that we can say that we do, and never ask
where our money goes, or why it is mixed up with funds from Lockheed Martin, a
major supporter of CARE, and we thank God that we do not live in Congo, or
Darfur, or, worse, under the guns of the LordÕs Resistance Army in Uganda.
Joseph Kony—after all—is the devil himself: he captures children,
and uses them as soldiers—imagine that—and maybe he eats them. Vanity
Fair reported it, so it must be true. Scant is the attention to the brutalities committed by the Ugandan
government forces, or the injustices of the Museveni regime.
AIDS trials on live human
beings? In Uganda? Well, those Africans have no other options, so why not. And
if there is oil under Lake Albert, and under JosephineÕs land—the heart
of darkness—and under Darfur, and if there is so much natural gas under
Lake Kivu, well, wouldnÕt this undermine the whole PEAK OIL scenario?
Here is the soundbite: ÒPeak
Oil.Ó Here is the truth: The vast oil fields and deep reserves of Sudan, Congo,
Uganda, Ethiopia, Equatorial Guinea (Afghanistan, Tajikstan, Kazakhstan,
Uzebekistan, Tibet)Éhave yet to come on line. All of Sudan is one vast
conglomeration of oil concessions.
Chevron, Shell, Exxon, Mobil,
Andarko, HeritageÉ they better get at that oil, anyways, and the sooner the better:
drop the prices at the pumps, so we can all get to the airport, fly to Rwanda,
see the gorillas, before they are all eaten. Africans eat monkeys. I heard it
on National Public Radio, right after that Archers Daniels Midland story
about the Òsupermarket to the worldÓÉ Of course, one Archer Daniels Midland
director is also a director of Barrick Gold. And ADM makes sure that Bob Dole
is elected, and re-elected, and re-elected, and Dole makes sure that the World
Food Program doles out its cash to ADM, and that is why people are starving to
death.
Not only is there a Pangaea
Foundation, there is, curiously, also a Pangea Minerals Ltd., a subsidiary of
Barrick Gold, and both are connected to families named Bush and Clinton. Pangea
(Barrick) works in Tanzania, and that—like Rwanda and Uganda—is
where some of the weapons in Congo come from, and the minerals from Congo go.
Barrick is mining in Congo too. But letÕs forget such dirty details, because
weÕre going to see the gorillas, with Sigourney Weaver, Leonardo DiCaprio,
Pierce Brognan, Angelina Jolie, and Daryl Hannah, at $4000 a pop, and maybe we
can get an autograph in the process, and visit Dian FosseyÕs grave, and sleep
for a night in the Hotel Rwanda,
or spend A Day by the Pool in Kigali,
watching Curious George on our
laptop (made with coltan).
What? They have closed the
Volcanoes National Park (Rwanda New Times, 23 May 2006) and are building
a fence around it? With security sensors made by the Department of Defense? Oh,
well, WE can still go: the parkÕs
only closed to starving Rwandans. Indeed, US soldiers (New Times, 15 May
2006) have been taken to see the gorillas, in that very same closed park, but
letÕs not confuse gorillas with guerrillas, because US soldiers are training
their protŽgŽs from Rwanda, and together they support the African Union
ÒpeacekeepingÓ forces in Darfur, and so it must be a good thing. And they are
trained by the National Defense University (USA), which also places U.S.
military officers in corporations like Oracle, Boeing, Raytheon, Northrup,
Grumman, Lockheed Martin and CNN—under Donald RumsfeldÕs Corporate
Fellows Program—and so it must be a good thing. And these corporations
are funding the gorilla conservation, or they are allied with the conservation
organizations, and their directors sit on conservation boards, and it must be a
good thing.
Here is the soundbite: ÒArab Janjaweed on horses are committing genocide in Darfur.Ó Here is
the truth, a battle for control of Sudan and its oil, a covert war in Tchad,
another in Ethiopia, in Somalia, in Niger, a regime change in Khartoum, all
backed by the Pentagon and multinational corporations. Anyways, U.S. soldiers
only torture people in Guantanamo, or Abu Graib, or Bagram or, well, it
wouldnÕt happen in Africa, what with all those savage Mai-Mai and Mau-Mau and
Tutsi and Hutu and Interahamwe and—Inshullah—Janjaweeds.
Weeds are something you have
to get rid of—making us all into constant gardenerÕs—and thereÕs
too many Africans anyways, so the average age of women at death in Rwanda (40)
and Congo (38) might just be natureÕs way of telling us. Fortunately,
everything goes better with Coke, another benign sponsor of Rwanda and Uganda, who, like Pfizer, is
looking out for our (white) interests. Coke and Pepsi are hungry for Gum Arabic,
another prize from Darfur.
The
ICG has published over 40 opinion pieces on Darfur, and more on Congo, in major
newspapers around the world. They write reports, they pressure, they lobbyÉthey
indoctrinate. The ICG and International Rescue Committee directors and trustees
are defense and intelligence policymakers, plus some people from think tanks
and newspapers (as if there is any real distinction): Henry Kissinger; Morton
Abramowitz; Zbigniew Brzezinski; Wesley Clark; William Taylor. The IRC also has
a director named Vanden Heuvel, whose daughter is editor at the Nation.
Ugandan President Museveni is
today Co-Chair of a euphemistically named Partnership to Cut Hunger and
Poverty in Africa, along with Bob
Dole, and George Rupp, the President of the IRC, and two directors of
Conservation International (CI)—one of the big NGOS manipulating the
situation in Congo. CI directors also include Northrup Grumman director Lewis
Coleman, and Louis Cabot of the coltan Cabot Corp. CI chairman Gordon E. Moore
is the co-founder and Chairman Emeritus of Intel Corp., another coltan
beneficiary supplying aerospace, intelligence and defense technologies. Moore
is also a director of Gilead Sciences Corporation, whose directors include, or
have included, Donald Rumsfeld, former US secretary of State and long-time
Bechtel ally George Schultz, and Belgian business mogul Viscount Etienne
Davignon. (Recall that Congo is a Belgian colony.) Gilead Sciences Corp. turns
out to be the license holder of the TAMIFLU vaccine for bird flu. Bechtel
provided the satellite maps for the US-backed invasion of DRC (Zaire) by Rwanda
and Uganda in 1996, when the current war in DRC began.
It is all about access:
timber, copper, cobalt, coltan, niobium, diamonds, gold, oil, natural gas, Gum
Arabic, primates—six US zoos this spring paid $400,000 for endangered
primates from Congo. Access to raw materials; access to a cheap, replenishable,
eager (read: desperate) labor pool; access to blood pools; access to
biodiversity (piracy); access to game parks (tourism); access to markets for
currency speculation; access to white sand beaches; access to desperate
females; access to research subjects (animals, tribes, plants, blood,
development failures, bones); access to artifacts; access for museum and zoo
stocks.
And access to suffering,
because humanitarian relief is big business (and there are never any lasting
results to show for it). As Paul Farmer points out, and Noam Chomsky before
him, the problem is structural violence, and the system that perpetuates it,
and that system is not African.
Access is gained through elite networks, involving Presidents and Lords and
CEOs and actors, whose modus operandi
is—by any means necessary.
Organized crime, extortion, bribery, theft, corruption, privilege, white
supremacy, total information warfare.
It always starts out as some
kind of psychological operation, or perception management or, well, propaganda.
But in the end it is about our collective amnesia. To Josephine, in rural
Congo, itÕs all the same in the end: she has nothing, she has always had
nothing, and she will always have nothing. The bottom line, after the profits,
and the comforts, and the privileges, and the excuses, and the denial, is the
hard, brutal truth that the U.S. public simply does not care about people like Josephine.
[i] See: MSF, Access to Health Care, Mortality and Violence in Democratic Republic of Congo, Results of Five Epidemiological Surveys, March to May 2005, Medicins Sans Frontiers.